哪里有肯尼迪,罗斯福的演讲稿?最好是英文的~~呵呵,还有没有林肯的呢?最好是英文,谢谢哈~~

哪里有肯尼迪,罗斯福的演讲稿?最好是英文的~~呵呵,还有没有林肯的呢?最好是英文,谢谢哈~~
哪里有肯尼迪,罗斯福的演讲稿?
最好是英文的~~
呵呵,还有没有林肯的呢?最好是英文,谢谢哈~~

哪里有肯尼迪,罗斯福的演讲稿?最好是英文的~~呵呵,还有没有林肯的呢?最好是英文,谢谢哈~~
我们唯一恐惧的就是恐惧本身
　　1933.3.4
　　富兰克林·罗斯福
　　(Franklin D. Roosevelt)
　　Mar. 4, 1933.
　　President Hoover Mister Chief Justice, my friends:
　　This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeIs. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
　　In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curtaiIment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.
　　More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
　　And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plagUe of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and
　　were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for Nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
　　True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.
　　Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiIization. We may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths. A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.
　　Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
　　Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.
　　Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation is asking for action, and action now.
　　Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.
　　Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
　　Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.
　　And finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.
　　These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.
　　Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
　　The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America - a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery it is the immediate way it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
　　In the field of world policy I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of
　　others. The neighbor who respects his ob1igation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.
　　If I read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
　　With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
　　And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
　　We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
　　We do not distrust the future of essential democracy The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.
　　In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.
　　We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom. Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you, and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed [3] nearly a century and three quarters ago.
　　The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life. And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue [4] around the globe. The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
　　We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth [5], from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today, at home and around the world.
　　Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well of ill, that we shall pay
　　any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty. This much we pledge and more.
　　To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do, in a host of [6] cooperative ventures [7]. Divided there is little we can do. For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.
　　To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
　　To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
　　To our sister republics [8] south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist free men and free governments in casting off [9] the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
　　就职演讲
　　－－约翰·肯尼迪
　　今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利,而是自由的胜利.这象征着一个结束,也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革.因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前,宣读了我们的先辈在170年前拟定的庄严誓言.
　　现在的世界已大不相同了.人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困,又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量.但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念,在世界各地仍然有着争论.这个信念就是人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨,而是来自上帝恩赐.
　　今天,我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者.让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人.这一代人在本世纪诞生,在战争中受过锻炼,在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶,他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪——他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭.
　　让每个国家都知道——不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落一为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利,我们将付出任何代价,承受任何负担,应付任何艰难,支持任何朋友,反抗任何敌人. 这些就是我们的保证——而且还有更多的保证.
　　对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友,我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚.我们如果团结一致,就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜：我们如果分歧对立,就会一事无成——因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战.
　　对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家,我们恪守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治.我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点.但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由——而且要记住,在历史上,凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者,终必葬身虎口.
　　对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村,为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们,我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立,不管需要花多长时间——之所以这样做,并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做,也不是因为我们需要他们的选票,而是因为这样做是正确的.自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人,也就无法挽救少数富人.
　　对我国南面的姐妹共和国,我们提出一项特殊的保证——在争取进行的新同盟中,把我们善意的话变为善意的行动,帮助自由人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁.但是,这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品.我们要让所有邻国都知道,我们将和他们在一起,反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动.让所有其他国家都知道,本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人. 1961. 1. 20